Malawi update: Fresh poll likely despite Coronavirus fears

Fresh elections could go ahead in Malawi on July 2nd despite concerns over the effects of Coronavirus on the country.

The results of last year’s election were declared null and void by the Constitutional Court because of voting irregularities. Defending President Peter Mutharika was re-elected with one third of the vote in a close contest.

The Constitutional Court in their 500 page ruling ordered the Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC) to hold a fresh vote within 150 days. Although MEC argued that the vote should be delayed further because of Coronavirus, it is clear that they have no power to overturn the Court’s ruling.

Mutharika and his Cabinet announced that they would take a 10% pay cut to help pay for the nation’s fight against the virus. Estranged Vice President Saulos Chilima, who was among the defeated Presidential candidates, responded by saying that he would forego 100% of his salary.

Meanwhile the opposition parties are trying to agree on a single candidate to stand against Mutharika in a 50+1 poll system as interpreted and instructed by the Constitutional courts. Mutharika’s future is likely to depend on whether opposition leaders can put their countries interest ahead of their personal ambitions to agree on grand alliance and chose one  candidate. At the time of writing nothing has been disclosed.

According to George Wiseman Gondwe, Malawi’s social commentator, choosing someone to lead this alliance is a mountain for the two political blocks due to several factors. Gondwe said that Lazarus Chakwela’s Malawi Congress Party (MCP) which is the oldest political party in Malawi, believes that their leader should take the lead because they are the largest opposition party. Chakwela finished runner up in the official results of the Presidential Election. Saulos Chilima, Mitharika’s Vice President finished third and leads the United Transformation Movement (UTM). He claims to have a broader appeal geographically and across ethnic groups as well as experience of Government and commerce.

Chilima (left) and Chakwela (right) signing an electoral alliance.

Mutharika’s Democratic Progress Party (DPP) recently signed an electoral alliance with the opposition United Democratic Front (UDF) whose founder is Malawi’s former President Dr. Bakili Muluzi and now headed by his son Atupele Muluzi who lost his Parliamentary  seat in Machinga North East, in the southern part of Malawi.

Atupele Muluza (left) and Peter Mutharika (right) during Alliance signing ceremony at State House

Schools are closed and large gatherings banned to combat Coronavirus. A package has been announced to support small and medium size businesses, with petrol prices also frozen. In his recent press briefing,Malawi’s estranged Vice President Chilima criticised the Government’s measures arguing for further cuts to petrol prices, channeling more resources to the fight, and changing several idle stage Lodges to COVID-19 isolation centres.

A ban on church services was announced by the Government, but later reversed.

Chilima donates his full salary to the fight against COVID-19 while Mutharika and his cabinet have donated 10% of their salaries. Chilima said that the President and his cabinet should cut their salaries to 50%.

While the country is on partial lockdown, Mutharika has ordered the tobacco markets to stay open to protect Malawi’s chief foreign currency earner.

Many office workers are working in shifts to enable more effective social distancing.

But in this country, among the poorest in the World, the message is not getting through to the rural areas. The health system is not sufficiently robust to contain the outbreak with inadequate facilities and workers. 

Health services, already overstretched, may struggle to cope if the epidemic penetrates to levels that many fear to be likely.

Risk allowances to health care workers have been increased , and many have complained of a lack of personal protective equipment, as well as demanding improved pay and conditions to compensate them for the risks that they are exposed to.

On 7th April Malawi recorded its first death from the virus, a 51 year old woman who had just returned from the UK.

Tanzanian election of 2015

With election results declared the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi Party (CCM) has held off a challenge from an opposition coalition on the Tanzanian mainland, and John Magufuli declared to be the new President.

But the semi autonomous Zanzibar has been plunged into crisis after the Chair of the Zanzibar Election Commission halted the counting process and declared the election void. The 2010 election was settled by just 1% of the vote, with accusations of malpractice against the ruling CCM. To preserve the peace CCM and rivals the Civic United Front (CUF) had concluded a power sharing agreement with Government posts allocated according to share of the vote.

Traditionally CUF, members of Liberal International, have been supporters of greater autonomy, and independence for Zanzibar. The possibility of oil in Zanzibar waters prompted discussions with the Tanzanian Government about how oil revenues would be distributed, CUF arguing that Zanzibar has not benefited from Tanzanian oil finds outside Zanzibars waters and that Zanzibar should receive the revenues from Zanzibari oil.

That was certainly one reason for increased support for CUF and during my visit to Zanzibar in September. I met a number of former CCM officials who had defected.

Seif Sharif Hamad, the CUF Presidental candidate for Zanzibar was expelled from the ruling party in the days before multi party democracy and was imprisoned without trial for two and a half years. He has been the CUF candidate in elections since a multi party system was introduced, but aged 72, this is widely regarded as his last chance. He was Vice President during the last five years under the power sharing agreement.

International observers were satisfied with the election and it is clear that the annulment occurred as it emerged that CUF would win. The decision seems to have been made by ZEC Chair Jecha Salem Jecha without consulting other ZEC members – there were reports of fist fights between members of the commission when Jecha’s intentions became clear. The reason given was voting irregularities, although Zanzibari votes in the Tanzanian election were accepted and included in the overall results. It is not clear whether the ZEC has the legal right to annul an election.

Protests have been made by the EU, USA, UK, International Observers and the East African Community. ZEC has been asked to clarify the details of alleged irregularities. Both the Zanzibar Law Society and Tanganyika Law Society have said that the annulment was illegal. CUF has appealed for calm, in a part of the World in which violence has been a frequent accompaniment to elections.

If, as seems certain, this is an attempt by the CCM to remain in power by manipulating the results, it is likely to backfire in the long run. Already there are growing calls for independence from Tanzania.

Although politics in Zanzibar are not overtly tribal, there is an historical context which CUF has among its ranks many of the old trading families from the Sultanate, with historic links to slavery and oppression of the ‘African’ community and CCM the successor of the revolution that overthrew it, committed acts of vengeance and, in the minds of some of its older leaders, will not surrender power back and see the union of Tanzania as a guarantor of their security. Their fears may be more imaginary than real, and felt less by a younger generation, but national reconciliation is needed.

It is widely believed that CUF, while losing narrowly to CCM in every previous election, actually should have won them all.

The whole of Tanzania voted on the same day. CCM which has ruled Tanzania continuously was thought to be facing a serious challenge in the National election, as four major opposition parties united against them. The Party was also rocked by corruption scandals and internal conflicts. Edward Lowassa, who had hoped to be the CCM Presidential candidate, defected to the opposition after being edged out of the selection process.

Lowassa, a former Prime Minister, had given retiring President Kinwete support over the years, but was tainted by allegations of corruption and displayed inappropriate wealth. Kinwete, aware of the dangers of being seen to be supported by Lowassas business contacts decided instead to support his friend and distant relative Bernard Membe as candidate.

Under CCM rules the 38 prospective candidates should be vetted by the Ethics and Security Committee of CCM. The committee only approved 5 names including Membe, and excluding Lowassa. Lowassas supporters campaigned to stop Membe, with John Magafuli being elected as candidate, seemingly by accident.

Lowassa immediately defected to the opposition and was adopted as their Presidential candidate. Lowassa is a likeable person and probably the most popular politician in Tanzania. He brought some supporters with him from the CCM, although some opposition members left the coalition in disgust.

The united opposition was formed of four parties. Their programmes differed – Chedema, the largest, is a conservative party, while the second largest the Civic United Front (CUF) is a member of Liberal International. What brought them together was a shared interest in ending the CCM’s monopoly over power and ending the corruption that has dogged CCM.

The irony is that while the charismatic Lowassa is tainted by corruption allegations, Magufuli has a reputation as a diligent hard working and honest political lightweight with a track record of delivering the goods. At campaign rallies, both candidates have made some ambitious promises, but Magafuli has been able to point to a record of delivering results.

There is a feeling that the CCM is in gradual decline. Its vote has dropped in successive elections. As the Taganyika African National Union (TANU) it led Tanzania to independence and it commands the respect of older voters as well as having power bases in rural areas and among women. But Tanzania is a young country and its youth don’t revere CCM because of its historic role.

Regardless of whether Magufuli will be able to bring about the changes that Tanzania needs, CCM will need to broaden its appeal to young people. Seven, mostly ageing, Ministers lost their seats in the election, so in Tanzania as well as the semi autonomous Zanzibar, the political future will have a different feel about it.